It will cost them dearly, and it will take Serbia a long time to recover from its local “modern dictator”, Aleksandar Vučić. Even the intervention in the autonomy of the university in Belgrade, as well as the unbearable dictatorship that runs the country, led by the cartel where he is the main figure, may even cost him his head.
Due to the arrogant autocrat and the criminal regime, the impoverished citizens of Serbia are very likely to be left without about one and a half billion euros, as much as was foreseen by the EU plan. Such a possible decision of the EU comes, first of all, not only because of the continuous repression against students and the student movement, but also because of the adoption of new laws in the field of justice that seriously infringe the autonomy of judicial bodies, as well as because of the attitude towards the media.
This situation will certainly not do Vučić any good, because Europe is tired of him and is looking for a new leader for Serbia. The first candidate for this could be the rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Gjokic, whom Vucic’s “guards” attack every day through the regime’s media, doing everything to discredit him as much as possible in public.
Vučić’s approach to students and repression towards them is something that Europe can no longer tolerate. The entry of the BIA into the premises of the University, as well as the staged death of a female student, who allegedly happened by jumping from the rectorate building, will in all likelihood put an end to the dictatorial and mafia regime that has lasted more than a decade and a half.
The rector of the University of Belgrade, Vladan Gjokić, has just met with Marta Kos, the European Commissioner for enlargement. They talked about the situation in Serbia, with special emphasis on the student protests that started after the demolition of the shelter on November 1, 2024, as well as the election process, Serbia’s path to the EU and reforms.
This is the first time that Rector Gjokić meets with an official of the European Union, which was reason enough for the President of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić, to react immediately, warning Marta Kosi about the meeting with the “blocking” rector.
There is no doubt that Rector Djokić’s visit to Brussels is a sign that the academic community is being trusted more and more, while Vucic is being trusted less and less, who is doing the same thing that Slobodan Milosevic and Vojislav Seselj have done to the University—who had as their “specialty” attacks on the autonomy of the University and on the student movement that enjoys great legitimacy.
Thanks to the rector’s own commitment, but also due to the satanization by the regime, he has transformed from a relatively marginal position into a serious political candidate, while the government will continue to contest the professor’s neutrality and professionalism.
Meanwhile, immediately after the meeting, the European commissioner for enlargement, Marta Kos, stated that universities should be free from any form of intimidation and that they should remain places of critical thought and open debate. Regarding Rector Vladan Gjokić, she said that she greatly appreciates his commitment to protecting the autonomy and dignity of the University of Belgrade, which is important for the democratic and European future of Serbia.
In this context, the impression is created that the EU already perceives Rector Gjokić as the first bearer of the student list for the parliamentary elections, or at least as a presidential candidate—something that is otherwise being speculated by the Serbian public.
So, the impression is that the EU has started the search for another leader in Serbia and that Rector Vladan Djokić has become a serious candidate for the highest functions, enjoying such a level of appreciation. In accordance with this, Gjokić has already been made available to the student movement as a key factor, even though until a year ago he was an almost insignificant political figure.
However, it cannot be ruled out that the government will continue with the discrediting campaign against Rector Gjokić, who is obviously, after many developments, personalizing himself as an opposition candidate. Therefore, the possibility is not excluded that at some point the regime, indirectly and in a propaganda way, will spread the news that Gjokić is a member of the regime. Aleksandar Vučić’s repertoire is already known.
There is no doubt that the EU counts on Rector Vladan Gjović. At stake is, otherwise, a three-way showdown. In addition to the EU, there is also the American position associated with Donald Trump, which requires populist figures, as well as the weakened but still present position in the region—that of Russia.
It seems clear that Europe has begun to look for new priorities and usually does not “let go” of anyone until it finds a new candidate, and for this reason it seems that Vladan Gjokic is close. Sensing the political danger from the loss of power, Aleksandar Vučić reacted only a few hours after Marta Kos spoke about the meeting, declaring that the EU has violated the principles of the rule of law: “They are full of the rule of law, but when they think of it, they immediately violate it,” he said.
He also added that he is allegedly sorry that Gjokic did not respond to his invitation, but responded to those who have recognized the secession of a part of his territory—alluding to Kosovo. Trying to discredit the rector as much as possible, incited and tense, he accused him of talking only to those who “give him orders on what to do and who will help him get to power”.
Meanwhile, Vucic considers himself better than Gjokiqi—younger and more promising, and that he knows Serbia and the problems of its citizens better. But, according to this text, he forgets that a part of the citizens no longer support and severely criticize his policy, linking it to a system that is perceived as full of corruption and criminality.
The author adds that, even if Gjokiqi is not “younger or more charismatic”, he is not seen as a dictator and does not use insulting language towards citizens. Also mentioned are figures such as Zvonko Veselinović and Milan Radoicić, linked to accusations of criminal activities and the incident in Banjska.
In conclusion, according to the author, the professor and intellectual Vladan Gjokić is seen as one of the EU’s main options for a future leader of a more European Serbia, in contrast to the political figures he describes as populist or nationalist.
