When Péter Magyar was a child, he taped a photo of Viktor Orbán, then an anti-communist firebrand, on his bedroom wall, thrilled by Hungary’s first democratic elections in 1990.
Decades later, he ended Orbán’s 16-year rule as prime minister in an election that brought a record-high turnout and was expected to rattle Russia and send shockwaves through right-wing circles across the West, including U.S. President Donald Trump’s White House.
Magyar’s center-right, pro-European Union Tisza party beat Orbán’s nationalist Fidesz party in Sunday’s parliamentary election. Partial results showed Tisza would win 137 seats, or a two-thirds majority, in the 199-seat parliament.
Only nine years old when communism collapsed, Magyar said he had decorated his walls with photos of leading political figures in his Budapest family home.
Orbán, then a young lawyer, had become a hero of Hungary’s pro-democracy movement when he publicly demanded in 1989 that Soviet troops leave the country.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán conceded defeat on Sunday after what he called a ‘painful’ election result.
“There was a surge of energy around the regime change that swept me up as a child,” Magyar told the Fokuszcsoport podcast last year.
Magyar, whose family name literally means “Hungarian,” burst into the limelight two years ago after his ex-wife, Orbán’s former justice minister Judit Varga, resigned from all political roles after a sex-abuse case pardon that caused public uproar.
Magyar quickly distanced himself from the governing party and accused it of corruption and spreading propaganda, saying he had become disillusioned with Fidesz.
Just four months after emerging from near-total obscurity with an interview at YouTube channel Partizan, Magyar’s new party won 30 per cent in the June 2024 European elections, finishing second to Fidesz and crushing the rest of the opposition.
Broad implications
Orbán’s defeat has significant implications not only for Hungary but for Europe and its populist far right.
Orbán has sought to create what he calls an “illiberal democracy” since 2010, curbing media freedoms and NGO activities, and weakening the independence of the judiciary.
He has forged good relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin and also with Trump, but he has clashed repeatedly with the EU, which suspended billions of euros in funding due to concerns over Hungary’s democratic standards.
By contrast, Magyar has pledged to rebuild Hungary’s Western orientation and end its dependence on Russian energy by 2035 while striving for “pragmatic relations” with Moscow. He has also promised to unlock the frozen EU funds, which would help revive Hungary’s stagnant economy.
“On the first day we need to pass anti-corruption measures and we need to submit our application to join the European Prosecutor’s Office,” Magyar said on Sunday morning after casting his vote.
But he has trodden carefully during the election campaign, keen not to scare away more conservative voters.
Unlike Orbán, he does not reject in principle Ukraine’s right to join the EU one day, but Tisza’s program does not support fast-track entry for Kyiv. Like Fidesz, Tisza opposes EU quotas for taking in migrants, and it would also keep in place a border fence built under Orbán to keep out illegal migrants.
But analysts say tensions between Budapest and the EU — further aggravated by Orbán’s veto of a 90-billion euro (around $146 billion Cdn) aid package for Kyiv — could ease under Tisza.
“Orbán has lost faith in the current form and direction of European integration, and is pursuing a policy of vetoes and obstruction,” said Botond Feledy, a geopolitical analyst at Red Snow Consulting.
“Tisza has no objection in principle to integration and would pitch its battles at a practical level.”
‘Conflict with the system’
Magyar drew from Orbán’s playbook in this election, waging a grassroots campaign that took him into Fidesz’s rural heartlands.
His rallies always featured lots of national flags, in an Orbán-style appeal to Hungarian voters’ patriotism.
His consistent and clear messages, and skilful use of social media have all contributed to his rapid rise, said Gabor Toka, senior research fellow at the Vera and Donald Blinken Open Society Archives.
“Many people are also reassured by the story of someone who has irrevocably come into conflict with the system, and has no way back,” he said, referring to Magyar’s break with Orbán.
Born in 1981 into a family of lawyers, Magyar also studied law. He married Varga in 2006, and when her career took her to Brussels, Magyar joined Hungary’s diplomatic corps and worked on EU legislation.
After returning to Hungary, he joined a state bank and then headed a student-loan agency.
Magyar and Varga, who divorced in 2023, have three sons.
Magyar describes himself as religious and says he enjoys cooking and playing soccer with his friends and sons.
Asked in December how he had changed since going into politics, Magyar alluded to media reports that describe him as short-tempered, saying: “Now I count to 10.”
