By Kenrick Quashie
For 25 years, the political landscape of St. Vincent and the Grenadines was defined by a singular status quo. Inevitably, such a long tenure in government shapes policy, habits, expectations, loyalties, and political reflexes. Therefore, it is easy for the new government to be judged based on the style of the previous administration.
Like many, I really looked forward to a change in government for a reason that went beyond ordinary politics. I wanted to see the tables turn. I wanted to observe how those long accustomed to power would behave in opposition, and how those long accustomed to criticism would behave once entrusted with authority.
Six months into this new dispensation, the psychological reversal playing out in our public square is fascinating. It offers a revealing lesson in human nature and a sobering look at the tribalism that continues to weaken our democracy. This tribalism must be addressed if we are to move SVG forward.
Consider the sudden transformation of yesterday’s ruling elite and their most loyal defenders. After a quarter-century of executive comfort, they have rapidly reinvented themselves as impatient, hyper-critical watchdogs. There is a remarkable political amnesia in watching people fiercely condemn a six-month-old administration for systemic failures that were either created, deepened, or tolerated during their own long period in office. They are blaming the new government for the house they built and left behind.
At the same time, the mirror reflects an equally troubling reality on the other side. Many who spent years auditing the state, demanding transparency, and insisting on accountability now appear far less eager to apply those same standards. Now that “their team” is in office, constructive scrutiny is too often met with defensiveness or dismissed as partisan sabotage. This is where the political cult begins, and we must guard against it.
If we are to mature as a democracy, we must avoid simply reproducing the same personality-driven loyalty that marked the previous era. Intellectual honesty cannot be a flag we lower the moment our preferred party crosses the threshold of power.
To be fair, a young administration must be given reasonable time. It needs space to understand the machinery of government, assess the true depth of what it has inherited, and begin implementing its policy agenda. You cannot be fair, and neither can you be taken seriously, if you expect instant miracles. Patience, however, must not become passivity. As Lennox Lampkin posits: “You can’t ask for patience from someone who is on life support.”
If the new government wishes to truly distinguish itself from the past, it must use its mandate to pursue deep structural reform via the Parliament. For too long, our Parliament has functioned less like a robust centre of democratic accountability and more like an occasional stage for political theatre.
Personally, I would like to see more frequent meetings of the Parliament. With such a strong mandate, the Friday-led administration has an opportunity to bring about real and lasting legislative reform to SVG. It must not squander this opportunity. I look forward to Parliamentary sittings being defined by serious debate, meaningful oversight, and transformative legislation.
True reform means strengthening institutions so they can withstand the personality, preferences, or excesses of whoever happens to occupy the prime minister’s chair or any minister for that matter.
A change in government is a democratic opening, and victory is not achieved merely by changing the faces in the cabinet. If we simply replace one set of uncritical cheerleaders with another, then we have changed the colour of the jerseys, not the nature of the game. Real democratic maturity requires us to break the cult of personality, to judge our leaders by institutional standards, and for us to build a system strong enough to keep power humble.
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