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    Home CARICOM CARICOM English Trinidad and Tobago

    T&T’s ‘bridge’ economy increasingly hijacked by illicit trade

    The Analyst by The Analyst
    April 20, 2026
    in Trinidad and Tobago


    GEISHA KOW­LESSAR-ALON­ZO

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    T&T’s ge­o­graph­ic po­si­tion­ing has long been tout­ed as its pri­ma­ry eco­nom­ic as­set, serv­ing as a vi­tal “bridge” be­tween the South Amer­i­can con­ti­nent and the glob­al mar­ket­place.

    How­ev­er, this strate­gic ad­van­tage has in­creas­ing­ly evolved in­to a pro­found dou­ble-edged sword.

    While the na­tion’s in­fra­struc­ture fa­cil­i­tates es­sen­tial glob­al trade, it has si­mul­ta­ne­ous­ly be­come the pri­ma­ry con­duit for a rapid­ly ex­pand­ing and high­ly so­phis­ti­cat­ed crim­i­nal econ­o­my.

    Ale­jo Cam­pos, re­gion­al di­rec­tor for Crime Stop­pers Caribbean, Bermu­da and Latin Amer­i­ca, high­light­ed a con­cern­ing shift in this land­scape, es­ti­mat­ing that il­lic­it op­er­a­tions may have surged by 50 per cent over the last 24 months, with T&T be­ing no ex­cep­tion.

    This growth sig­ni­fies more than an in­crease in vol­ume; it rep­re­sents a tran­si­tion to­wards a “com­plex crim­i­nal econ­o­my”, where the tra­di­tion­al bound­aries be­tween pet­ty smug­gling and transna­tion­al or­gan­ised crime have dis­solved in­to a sin­gle, in­te­grat­ed busi­ness mod­el.

    This evo­lu­tion is char­ac­terised by a shift away from dis­joint­ed, op­por­tunis­tic smug­gling rings to­wards the dom­i­nance of Transna­tion­al Crim­i­nal Or­gan­i­sa­tions (TCOs), as fur­ther de­tailed by Cam­pos.

    Speak­ing at an event host­ed by the Amer­i­c­as So­ci­ety/Coun­cil of the Amer­i­c­as (AS/COA), which took place last week at the Hamil­ton Ho­tel in Wash­ing­ton, DC, Cam­pos ex­plained to the Sun­day Busi­ness Guardian how these in­ter­con­nect­ed crim­i­nal net­works are re­shap­ing se­cu­ri­ty and eco­nom­ic chal­lenges.

    The mod­ern il­lic­it land­scape in T&T is no longer de­fined by frag­ment­ed smug­gling op­er­a­tions.

    In­stead, these groups treat the Caribbean as a mul­ti-modal lo­gis­ti­cal hub and, by lever­ag­ing the same “ar­ter­ies” used by le­git­i­mate com­merce, TCOs have op­ti­mised their sup­ply chains to move di­verse “prod­uct lines”—rang­ing from nar­cotics and hu­man vic­tims to coun­ter­feit con­sumer goods—with min­i­mal fric­tion.

    This cor­po­rate-style in­te­gra­tion en­sures that a dis­rup­tion in one ver­ti­cal, such as a nar­cotics seizure, can be off­set by the high-mar­gin sta­bil­i­ty of the il­lic­it to­bac­co or al­co­hol trade.

    The con­ver­gence of these il­lic­it streams cre­ates a self-sus­tain­ing fi­nan­cial loop that fun­da­men­tal­ly al­ters the risk-re­ward cal­cu­lus for re­gion­al se­cu­ri­ty.

    As Cam­pos said, “It’s not just con­tra­band groups. It’s transna­tion­al crime or­gan­i­sa­tion and they are the same groups of nar­co-ter­ror­ist group or nar­cos group in Latin Amer­i­ca us­ing our coun­tries to move dif­fer­ent il­lic­it goods like al­co­holic bev­er­ages or cig­a­rettes. The prob­lem here is this kind of prod­uct sup­port­ing the eco­nom­ic fi­nance of the crim­i­nal econ­o­my of these kind of groups in the Caribbean as well. It’s not just Trinidad and To­ba­go, it’s Ja­maica, it’s Do­mini­can Re­pub­lic, it’s Bar­ba­dos, it’s oth­er coun­tries in the Caribbean be­cause the Caribbean to­geth­er is a very big mar­ket,” he ex­plained.

    This in­te­gra­tion means that prof­its from a sin­gle con­tain­er of il­lic­it al­co­hol or cig­a­rettes can al­so serve as seed cap­i­tal for more vi­o­lent en­ter­pris­es, cre­at­ing a self-sus­tain­ing crim­i­nal econ­o­my that un­der­mines the for­mal sec­tor.

    When asked about the growth of il­lic­it trade in T&T over the last two years, Cam­pos said that while he did not have pre­cise fig­ures, there is a pos­si­bil­i­ty it has surged by as much as 50 per cent.

    “It’s the same struc­ture and it’s the same mar­kets you move cig­a­rettes, you move per­sons, you move co­caine, you move the il­lic­it goods be­cause you need to get a high ben­e­fit and if you need a high crim­i­nal ben­e­fit you can do any­thing be­tween your bor­ders,” Cam­pos said.

    Fis­cal ero­sion and mar­ket dis­tor­tion

    The most im­me­di­ate im­pact of this crim­i­nal ex­pan­sion is re­flect­ed in the ero­sion of the State’s fis­cal ca­pac­i­ty.

    In an era of glob­al eco­nom­ic volatil­i­ty, the “leak­age” of rev­enue through il­lic­it trade rep­re­sents a crit­i­cal loss of cap­i­tal that should oth­er­wise fund es­sen­tial in­fra­struc­ture and so­cial ser­vices.

    When to­bac­co, al­co­hol and lux­u­ry goods cir­cum­vent ex­cise du­ties and Val­ue Added Tax (VAT), the Gov­ern­ment is de­prived of hun­dreds of mil­lions of dol­lars an­nu­al­ly.

    This loss cre­ates a fis­cal vac­u­um, forc­ing the State to ei­ther re­duce pub­lic ser­vices or in­crease the tax bur­den on a shrink­ing pool of com­pli­ant cit­i­zens and busi­ness­es.

    Cam­pos ex­pressed con­cern re­gard­ing tax in­creas­es on cig­a­rettes, not­ing, “From a re­gion­al per­spec­tive, we are very con­cerned about the in­crease of the tax in cig­a­rettes, specif­i­cal­ly in cig­a­rettes, be­cause from our ex­pe­ri­ence in oth­er coun­tries, we know that when you in­crease the tax­es in dif­fer­ent coun­tries, the il­lic­it trade grows up at the same time be­cause if you put the le­gal cig­a­rette in a high­er cost on the mar­ket, peo­ple will try to find the il­le­gal cig­a­rette, the con­tra­band cig­a­rette in the il­le­gal mar­ket.

    “So we can un­der­stand the rea­son to do that, but at the end, the re­sult of this tax in­crease will be a big­ger il­lic­it mar­ket in Trinidad and To­ba­go,” Cam­pos fur­ther ex­plained.

    The eco­nom­ic fall­out ex­tends be­yond lost tax rev­enue to the ero­sion of le­git­i­mate in­dus­try.

    Lo­cal man­u­fac­tur­ers and au­tho­rised im­porters, who bear the costs of reg­u­la­to­ry com­pli­ance, labour laws and qual­i­ty con­trol, are in­creas­ing­ly un­able to com­pete with “shad­ow prices”.

    “I am sure the il­le­gal cig­a­rette in­dus­try is grow­ing in the coun­try (T&T) be­cause you are in the mid­dle of the crim­i­nal route be­tween South Amer­i­ca and North Amer­i­ca and Cen­tral Amer­i­ca as well. Re­mem­ber in Pana­ma we have the Colon Free Zone and you re­ceive in Trinidad and To­ba­go a lot of il­lic­it goods from Pana­ma, from the Colon Free Zone and it’s the same route and it’s the same route that the crim­i­nals are us­ing to move co­caine or per­sons,” Cam­pos fur­ther ex­plained.

    Hu­man cap­i­tal as a trad­ed com­mod­i­ty

    The in­te­gra­tion of crim­i­nal busi­ness lines has al­so led to a trou­bling com­mod­i­fi­ca­tion of hu­man life, as re­flect­ed in T&T’s Tier 2 rank­ing in the Glob­al Traf­fick­ing in Per­sons Re­port.

    With­in the op­er­a­tional frame­work of a TCO, hu­man be­ings are not viewed through a moral lens, but as “per­ish­able com­modi­ties” to be moved through the same lo­gis­ti­cal net­works as phys­i­cal goods.

    “Right now Eu­rope is the biggest mar­ket in hu­man traf­fick­ing es­pe­cial­ly with girls and and chil­dren from South Amer­i­ca and our coun­tries in the Caribbean are just a bridge so Trinidad and To­ba­go is one of this bridge where the crim­i­nals use this coun­try to move the vic­tims but at the same time you have lo­cal hu­man traf­fick­ing in the coun­try as well be­cause if you have a vic­tim for a week in your coun­try you will ex­ploit the vic­tim for 10 days or a week or 20 days af­ter to move to an­oth­er coun­try,” Cam­pos said.

    This cre­ates a sec­ondary econ­o­my of ex­ploita­tion that de­grades the so­cial fab­ric and in­creas­es the bur­den on na­tion­al se­cu­ri­ty sys­tems.

    Strate­gic rec­om­men­da­tions for eco­nom­ic re­cov­ery

    To re­verse the tide of the il­lic­it surge, the so­lu­tion is not pure­ly a mat­ter of polic­ing, as Cam­pos ad­vo­cates for a tri-par­tite al­liance be­tween law en­force­ment, the pri­vate sec­tor and NGOs.

    “The co­op­er­a­tion be­tween the law en­force­ment and the pri­vate sec­tor. are very im­por­tant to try to fight again il­lic­it trade. For the pri­vate sec­tor, this means in­vest­ing in sup­ply chain trans­paren­cy and sup­port­ing or­gan­i­sa­tions that pro­tect the in­tegri­ty of the mar­ket,” he em­pha­sised.

    Cam­pos al­so wel­comed the T&T Gov­ern­ment’s des­ig­na­tion of three ma­jor Mid­dle East­ern para­mil­i­tary and po­lit­i­cal or­gan­i­sa­tions as ter­ror­ist en­ti­ties, trig­ger­ing an im­me­di­ate freeze on any lo­cal as­sets linked to these groups.

    He high­light­ed the prece­dent set in the Triple Fron­tier—the bor­der re­gion be­tween Ar­genti­na, Brazil and Paraguay—where Hezbol­lah or­ches­trat­ed com­plex il­lic­it trade net­works to fun­nel mil­lions of dol­lars to­wards glob­al mil­i­tant ac­tiv­i­ties.

    By im­ple­ment­ing and up­dat­ing com­pre­hen­sive ter­ror­ist lists, the coun­try is now bet­ter equipped to freeze as­sets and dis­rupt the so­phis­ti­cat­ed sup­ply chains that al­low groups such as Hezbol­lah to con­vert black-mar­ket sales in­to fund­ing for ter­ror.





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