“We are not extreme right, we are center.” The sentence is one Catalan Alliance spokespersonthe party of Silvia Orriolsbut it could perfectly be from Carine Montaner. Because the first thing that populist radical right formations do is deny that they are populist radical right formations. Andorra Forward (AE) is not an exception. the victory of theAfD in two German states, the growth of Vox in Spain and the possible triumph of Marie Le Pen in next year’s French presidential elections, they have reactivated, if necessary, the debate on how far the far-right parties can go in europe The principality is not alien to these phenomena. AE of Carine Montaner it has occupied this niche since its creation and accentuates the positions as we get closer to the election date. He has found a space and exploits it to the point of exhaustion. With nuances; as it happens with all the radical right-wing parties on the continenteach of which carries with more or less intensity the ideological variables in which they struggle. Except in two where the coincidence is practically mimetic: immigration and sovereignty or national priority, are the backbone of his discourse. It is what is known as nativism; the combination of nationalism and xenophobia. AE fits perfectly in both, according to the experts consulted.
The problem of migratory flow a Andorra it has nothing to do with that of the countries around us, to the point that it cannot even be described as a problem. The regulation here is very restrictive whether compared to those around or otherwise. But the point is to blame everything on those who come from below, no matter what, that’s what it’s all about, linking immigration to issues as diverse as the loss of national identity, insecurity, pressure on public services, housing or economic difficulties. I carina has found the arguments he wanted to exploit in theAssociation agreement with the European Union. It remains to be seen the benefits it will bring us, but what there is no doubt about is that even before it is approved, Andorra Go ahead it’s already taking a lot of juice out of it.
We are not Ceuta but…
Highlander focuses criticism on the possible loss of sovereignty and decision-making capacity, especially in matters of newcomers and security due to the impact of the free movement of people, the increase in competition for companies and professionals and the costs derived from adapting to European regulations, which would lead to a more intense approach to EU We are not now Ceuta but we will be if the treaty is applied, he concludes. And for what it may be, in response to the massive influx of immigrants to the Spanish city of north of africa he demanded that border controls be stepped up. Clearly, what is needed is to close the door. The benefits of the threat ofagreement they don’t end here; they allow him to appropriate the flag of anti-Europeanism that serves him to establish himself as the official guardian of sovereignty. Just like he did during the pandemic Covid-19when he led the anti-vaccines with the very scientific argument of who isWHO to tell us, the Andorrans, what we must do.
The Achilles’ heel is the lack of implementation in parishes
Authoritarianism is the second factor that sets the ideology of the populist radical right and at the same time provides the most decisive differentiating element with the pure and hard right-wing current. While the objective of the latter is to end democracy, the radicals do not go that far, but they do they defend a tightening of the penal codethey attack and blame the press for all their ills and work to turn civil society against the established order. You just have to go to the newspaper library to see it. Populism comes full circle. Carine Montaner he articulates, as a general rule in each intervention, a speech filled with alarmism regarding immigration, vaccines or public safety, allegations of alleged corruption, deception or clientelism and simple solutions to major problems such as modular flats or co-living to end the lack of housing, evictions to reduce a worrying (?) public insecurity or lower taxes to recover purchasing power.
His interventions tend to be marked by alarmism
The phenomenon of radicalism is marked by other variables but they are either increasingly ambiguous or Andorra they have special connotations. The economy is no longer a determining factor in defining the populist right, because formations coexist under this label they defend neoliberal approaches with others incorporating interventionist and social protection policies traditionally associated with the left. In the matter of abortion, ethical limits are exceeded here, because it is a factor that can endanger the co-principalitywhat for Andorra Go ahead it’s a red line. So no mention of termination of pregnancy.
Strategic Shield
A final particularity of the country is the electoral system which determines the number of directors equally between the national list and the parochial. In practice, and until now, it has been a shield against radicalism since the moment when a formation does not win in any territory, its political weight plummets. It could be the case that Carine Montaner moved in a fork between the 15% and 20% of the votes in the elections– a result that would be close to yes i concord-, but he was left with only three advisers. A reality that would force you to look for supports in the spectrum of centrality if you want to break this ceiling, which would make you soften the message, as they do melon a Italy or Le Pen a France. And obviously to occupy alone the radical right-wing space, leaving no room for action a Virtuesvery restless lately. with of course no need to waste time on it; it’s four miscalculated, and it’s still time to untangle whether it’s a party or the appendix of a real estate company.
