The political recess that began on June 7, when the electorate went to the polls, is ending. With the new Executive and Legislative installed, we should enter the second political half of the year, which is more loaded than one might think.
The intensity of the electoral campaign, between January and June, seemed to project a somewhat calmer second half. Thus, the new authorities would concentrate on addressing urgent needs, rather than being distracted by political ups and downs. However, it will not be like that.
For now, it is important to remember where we come from: a lost decade, a severe deterioration of political capital throughout the term, brief presidencies dependent on the Legislature, weak bureaucracies prone to political favor, political actors who are indolent or distracted by the usufruct of power or by defending themselves from judicial attacks, justified or not. Certainly, there are exceptions, but they are the fewest.
Thus, it is not surprising that the recent electoral process has been regulated, for the most part, by rules that made no sense. Nor was it that the electoral authorities found solutions to their own disasters with responses that worsened the situation, such as the criminal complaint filed on the same day of the first round or, recently, with the decision that freed Rafael López Aliaga from assuming a responsibility for which he voluntarily applied.
Finally, and to make matters worse, the results of the runoff election had to wait several moons until they were confirmed. Thus, while a candidate proclaimed himself victorious, many people, with numerical skills, provided information, trying to provide clarity to those who had to transmit it.
Leaving all this behind and taking advantage of this brief recess, the president-elect, Keiko Fujimori, has held numerous meetings that allow her to outline a Cabinet. The marked secrecy that characterizes this diligence does draw attention. However, this has not prevented the identification of some of its members.
On some fronts, the identity of those supposedly summoned has prolonged the relief that Fujimori’s election meant. Faced with the difficult recent past, optimism seems justified.
But the challenges are particularly demanding. If, as we know, the bulk of the experience of the new Executive comes from the congressional spheres, the governing party will have to learn to ask for help, something that is already seen in the reinforcements called, or learn from trial and error, which could take several months in an extremely adverse situation.
In any case, the only certainty is that the country will have to face a series of challenges in various areas: economy, security, climate, geopolitics, etc., and that this pendulum perspective that sees the immediate future between a return to authoritarianism and institutional takeover, and the reissue of a truncated “luxury government” will be of little use. In any case, we need today’s secrecy to translate into tomorrow’s results.
