Iván Cepeda’s defeat was, in large part, a consequence of his refusal to distance himself from a government as worn out as that of Gustavo Petro, to which the voters ended up taking a toll. Although in the end they proclaimed that “Petro is Petro and Cepeda is Cepeda”, the truth is that this was never reflected in a campaign where signs of independence against Petrism were conspicuous by their absence. The candidate was not able to make a serious self-criticism of the so-called government of change. He was never forceful in his position towards the constituent nor did he distance himself from several questioned figures of this administration. His speech was too fizzy for an electorate that demanded definitions. And in these times ambiguity is expensive.
After knowing the results, Cepeda also allowed himself to be infected with that toxicity characteristic of Petrism that prevented him from recognizing defeat and calmly accepting the verdict of the polls.
By the way, this result confirms that Colombia is not immune to the pendulum effect. In 2018 the right-wing opposition won with Iván Duque. In 2022 the opposition won again, this time from the left-wing populism led by Petro. And in 2026 the opposition triumphed again, now with the populist right of Abelardo de la Espriella.
Ultimately, and despite our institutional precariousness, this political alternation is good news. The bad thing is that each president has been worse than the previous one. That is why I have no illusions about either the president-elect or his vice president.
And will José Manuel Restrepo provide common sense and moderation, or will he remain low while the most radical do their thing?
And skepticism is not free. The persecution in the United States against the activist Beto Coral – promoted by sectors close to Marco Rubio and related to De la Espriella – evokes the dark times of McCarthyism.
Added to this is the disturbing statement released by the lawyer’s campaign before the second round, in which they warned congressmen that they had to decide whether to accompany the Colombian people or turn their backs on the country. This language is particularly dangerous because it turns opponents into enemies.
On the other hand, it remains to be seen what his relationship with the press will be like. After years of intimidation, stigmatization and lawsuits against critical journalists and columnists, it is legitimate to wonder if the Presidency will maintain this attitude or if it will understand that a democracy needs free reporters to monitor power.
And we also do not know what role José Manuel Restrepo will play in the new government. Will it provide good sense and moderation in matters as delicate as the implementation of the peace agreements, the future of the JEP or the rights of same-sex couples? Or will it remain low while the most radical sectors do their thing?
After months of retaliatory speeches, hateful slogans and tough promises, too many questions remain unanswered. It is not known whether De la Espriella plans to govern as a statesman—which would be desirable—or as a revanchist, as he promised during the campaign. There we will see what it is made of. Because the discourse of division is very useful to conquer power, but very unrecommended to exercise it.
Especially after reaching the Presidency by an advantage of less than one percent; a margin that does not detract from the legitimacy of his victory, but is not an overwhelming victory nor does it represent a blank check.
* * *
Colophon. In 2018, the Petristas said that Duque had won because of those of us who voted blank. In 2022, according to the Uribistas, Petro became President because of those of us who voted blank. And now, after Cepeda’s defeat, he comes back and plays. Definitely, those of us who voted blank are tough, because we have the ability to decide all the elections, even though we always lose them.
puntoyaparte@vladdo.com
VLLADDO VLADDO
